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Even if women’s representation was very small in all rural districts, there have been systematic differences between rural communes on the islands and in Jutland, the more traditional Western a part of Denmark. In the capital, women’s representation, on the other hand, reached a high level from the beginning, and one which was not surpassed till the most recent commune election in 1978.

What do these first elections inform us about women’s chances to be elected? The results show that girls’s representation diversified based on the kind of elective institution.

It might even be considered a,permanent establishment, which could immunise women in opposition to the dust of party politics. If women’s suffrage and women’s illustration initially have been primarily thought of as a way of furthering women’s pursuits, then a Women’s Party grew to become equally relevant. For the advocates of this argument, it was by no means only a query of securing extra women representatives, but of putting feminists in parliament and native councils. But for the feminists, a Women’s Party would primarily be a brief arrangement in a transitional section. In the controversy some thought of a Women’s Party to be the identical as women’s lists on the native elections, merely as a means to get women nominated and elected where advancement via the parties was denied.

Denmark & The Feminist Myth

It had become clear that ladies as a bloc didn’t assist them, regardless of the hopes of the native branches of Dansk Kvindesamfund and the fears of the events. In some communes the ladies’s lists obtained astonishingly few votes in relation to feminine turnout. Dansk Kvindesamfund was pressured to comprehend that even if the organization itself thought that it represented all women, women as a complete didn’t.


Further, the disappearance of the lists in 1913 shows no clear relation as to whether they won any seats in 1909. Was it because the existence of such an inventory or even the specter of its formation inspired the parties to include more women on their lists?

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In addition, it’s clear that many ladies did not really feel at residence within the political parties and organizations, which, they careworn, had often been established earlier than women had the best to take part. They felt that they didn’t have the possibility to enter the parties on their own phrases.

As an illustration it may be talked about that there have been women who sought nomination on the lists of various events on the situation that they didn’t should turn out to be members – which the events naturally refused, considering their very own interests. To what extent did the difference between rural and urban areas reflect different degrees of politicization, that is, the degree to which nationally organized political events had entered the native elections? (Rokkan, 1970; for the Danish case, see Bentzon 1972.) We know that politicization elevated with rising urbanization. That women’s illustration must also vary appears likely when one considers that the native lists have been sometimes organized round occupational interests.

In 1909 there have been 10 women’s lists in city districts; in the 1913 election only 3. In some communes, the 1909 lists disappeared in 1913, whereas women had been elected on different lists within the commune. In other circumstances, nevertheless, the ladies’s lists disappeared, even if women had not been given a place on other lists that would nearly certainly assure them election.

To many a Women’s Party was seen as one thing more, specifically as a channel via which women may enter the political system on their own phrases. The first question was whether or not the organization that had fought for the suffrage ought to now close down. For those that had advocated the franchise as simply an act of justice and a aim in itself the wrestle was now over.

Table 4 exhibits that within the commune election of 1909, there were forty one women’s lists, electing 12 per cent of all elected women, even if they only constituted 1 per cent of all lists. Women’s lists have been formed in cities as well as in rural districts, but never in the capital.

In that case, the disappearance of the women’s lists would have been regarded by many as a fulfilment of their objective. The reality that women’s illustration did not increase, nevertheless, reveals that the women’s lists didn’t have this effect.

The decrease in the number of elected women in was largely because of the decline of girls’s lists. The women’s lists for the first elections to the Social Aid Boards and the commune councils may be seen as an attempt to interrupt the monopoly of the male-dominated organizations, which usually have been most unwilling to appoint women.

The chairman of the organization, Johanne Rambush, confused that girls now needed to be taught to see their demands as problems of the entire society (Kvindevalgret, 1915/10). Some Landsforbundet activists later entered celebration politics and fought for women’s issues in Parliament. The women’s lists seem to have disappeared firstly because of lack of support.

Women’s lists also received little or no assist from the political press. Even the nationwide organization of Dansk Kvindesamfund did not help the idea. A technique that might enhance women’s poor illustration had nonetheless not been discovered when women lastly gained the parliamentary vote in 1915.

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